Solidarity with Solidarity by Goddeeris Idesbald; Amicis Nino De; Berger Stefan

Author:Goddeeris, Idesbald; Amicis, Nino De; Berger, Stefan
Language: eng
Format: epub
Publisher: Lexington Books
Published: 2010-12-14T16:00:00+00:00

CONCLUSION

Wałęsa’s praise was generous, but as this article has sought to demonstrate, the actual relations between the British trade union movement and Solidarność were a little more complex. It is telling that pro-Solidarność activists in Britain have very different memories of the stance of British trade unions. Piotr Iglikowski, a PSC activist, recalls: “the response of British trade unions was to my mind very disappointing . . . Why? A mixture of British political apathy and the surprising power of well-organized Stalinist units controlling British trades unions.”138 However, another PSC activist, Darek Dzwigaj, remembered his “trip to Blackpool to the TUC conference and the support . . . and understanding of the problems in Poland” as one of his most encouraging experiences.139

The contrasting statements of Iglikowski and Dzwigaj show how two-faced British trade unions could be when it came to its positioning vis-à-vis Solidarność. On the one hand, the TUC was clear about its support for free trade unionism. On the other, its reaction toward Solidarność was complicated by the Cold War and the threat to détente emanating from the crisis in Poland.

The TUC was a broad body of unionists with very different political views. Many unions in the TUC had communist officials, and pro-Soviet sentiments were not rare among left-of-center trade unionists in Britain. Hence, we do find individuals and unions who were not so positively disposed toward Solidarność and criticized it for trying to achieve political rather than trade union goals. Solidarność’s Catholicism and nationalism also raised many eyebrows. Thatcher’s full praise for Solidarność and the Conservative government’s support for the Polish union made all trade unionists suspicious and left some negatively disposed toward Solidarność. The fact that one of the most right-wing and anticommunist trade union leaders, Frank Chapple, belonged to the earliest and strongest supporters of Solidarność, also hardly enamored the Polish union to the more left-of-center trade unionists in Britain. But, on balance, the TUC leadership remained pro-Solidarność, even if, on occasion, it did tread cautiously in its desire not to exacerbate the inner-TUC tensions.

The TUC had been slow in reacting toward the emergence of Solidarność in the summer of 1980. The dithering of the TUC in the summer and early autumn of 1980 gave way to more forthright statements of support during the first year of Solidarność’s legal existence. Material support was more forthcoming after Lis’s visit to Britain in February–March 1981. But real measures of support only kicked in after the declaration of martial law in December 1981. Then the TUC began to monitor events closely, support pro-Solidarność groups inside Poland and in Britain materially, and lobby both the Polish ambassador and the Conservative British government. It was keen not to aggravate the international situation, but at the same time it felt compelled to support free trade unionism in the face of repression. Careful to distance itself from Cold War warriors like Thatcher and Reagan, the TUC was nevertheless forthright in its condemnation of the repression of Solidarność.

The TUC came under considerable pressure

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